SPEECHES
FROM THE 2004 PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN
George W. Bush
Homeland Security
and the Presidential Agenda
October 18, 2004 • Marlton, NJ
Thank you all. Thanks for coming. Thanks
for the warm welcome. It is great to be back in the state
of New Jersey. (Applause.) Oh, I know it might surprise
some to see a Republican presidential candidate in New
Jersey in late October. (Applause.) The reason why I'm
here, with your help we'll carry the state of New Jersey
in November. (Applause.)
We are now 15 days away from a critical election. Many
important domestic issues are at stake. I have a positive,
hopeful agenda for job creation, broader health coverage
and better public education. Yet all the progress we hope
to make depends on the security of our nation. (Applause.)
America is in the middle of a global war on terror, a struggle
unlike any we have ever known before. We face an enemy
that is determined to kill the innocent and make our country
into a battlefield. In the war on terror, there is no place
for confusion and no substitute for victory. (Applause.)
For the sake of our future and our freedom, we will fight
this war with every asset of our national power, and we
will prevail. (Applause.)
Laura sends her best. (Applause.) So I asked her to marry
me, she said, fine, just so long as I never have to give
a political speech. (Laughter.) I said, okay, you got a
deal. Fortunately, she didn't hold me to that deal. The
American people -- (applause.) A lot of Americans have
seen her give a speech, and when they do they see a compassionate,
strong, warm woman. (Applause.)
I'm proud to have been standing on the stage with Bernie
Kerik. He knows something about security. He's lived security
all his life. And I want to thank him for his dedication
and his service to the people of this country. (Applause.)
I want to thank Congressman Jim Saxton for being here
today. (Applause.) And thank you for bringing your daughter,
Jennifer. (Applause.) I want to thank Congressman Scott
Garrett for joining us today. Congressman, thank you. (Applause.)
Congressman Frank LoBiondo, thanks for coming, Frank. (Applause.)
And Tina. I want to thank Congressman Chris Smith and Marie
for joining us. (Applause.) The Chairman of the Republican
Party was born and raised in this county. He's doing a
fabulous job. Welcome my friend, Ed Gillespie. Thanks for
coming, Ed. (Applause.)
I want to thank all the state senators and state House
members who are here. I want to thank the grassroots activists.
I want to thank you for what you're going to do during
the next 15 days -- put up the signs, call the phones,
get the people out to vote. We're going to win the state
of New Jersey and win a great victory in November. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more
years!
THE PRESIDENT: During the decade of the 1990s, our times
often seemed peaceful on the surface. Yet, beneath that
surface were currents of danger. Terrorists were training
and planning in distant camps. In 1993, terrorists made
their first attack on the World Trade Center. In 1998,
terrorists bombed American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.
And then came the attack on the USS Cole in 2000, which
cost the lives of 17 American sailors. In this period,
America's response to terrorism was generally piecemeal
and symbolic. The terrorists concluded this was a sign
of weakness, and their plans became more ambitions [sic],
and their attacks became more deadly.
Most Americans still felt that terrorism was something
distant, and something that would not strike on a large
scale in America. That is the time that my opponent wants
to go back to.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: A time when danger was real and growing,
but we didn't know it. A time when some thought terrorism
was only a "nuisance."
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: But that very attitude is what blinded
America to the war being waged against us. And by not seeing
the war, our government had no comprehensive strategy to
fight it. September the 11th, 2001 changed all that. We
realized that the apparent security of the 1990s was an
illusion.
The people of New Jersey were among the first to understand
how the world changed. On September the 11th, from places
like Hoboken and Jersey City, you could look across the
Hudson River and see the Twin Towers burning. We will never
forget that day, and we will never forget our duty to defend
America. (Applause.)
Out of the horror of that day we also saw good emerge.
America has seen a new generation of heroes -- police,
firefighters, members of the military. (Applause.) Americans
have felt a new sense of community in neighborhoods and
across our country. We've been reminded that all of us
are a part of a great American story that is larger than
our individual lives. And we have been reminded of our
solemn responsibility to defend freedom.
September the 11th also changed the way we should look
at national security. But not everyone realizes it. The
choice we face in this election, the first presidential
election since September the 11th, is how our nation will
defeat this threat. Will we stay on the offensive against
those who want to attack us --
AUDIENCE: Yes!
THE PRESIDENT: -- or will we take action only after we
are attacked?
AUDIENCE: No!
THE PRESIDENT: Will we make decisions in the light of
September the 11th, or continue to live in the mirage of
safety that was actually a time of gathering threats? And
in this time of choosing, I want all Americans to know
you can count on me to fight our enemies and defend our
freedom. (Applause.)
Winning the war on terror requires more than tough-sounding
words repeated in the election season. America needs clear,
moral purpose and leaders who will not waver, especially
in the tough times. (Applause.) And winning the war on
terror requires a strategy for victory. Unlike my opponent,
I understand the struggle America faces and I have a strategy
to win. (Applause.)
Our first duty in the war on terror is to protect the
homeland. This morning at the White House, I signed a strong
law that will make our nation more secure. With the 2005
Homeland Security Appropriations Act, we are providing
essential funding for Coast Guard patrols and port security,
for the Federal Air Marshal program, and for technology
that will defend aircraft against missiles. We're adding
new resources to patrol our borders and to verify the identity
of foreign visitors to America. We need to know who's coming
in and out of our country.
The new law includes vital money for first responders,
and for better security of chemical facilities and nuclear
plants and water treatment plants and bridges and subways
and tunnels. All these measures show the unwavering commitment
of our government. We will do everything in our power to
protect the American people. (Applause.)
The law I signed today is part of a broad effort to defend
America against new dangers. After September the 11th we
created the Department of Homeland Security to make sure
our government agencies are working together. We're transforming
the FBI into an agency whose primary focus is stopping
terrorism. Through Project BioShield, we are developing
new vaccines and treatments against biological attacks.
We've trained more than a half million first responders
across America. (Applause.)
To protect America, we passed the Patriot Act, giving
law enforcement many of the same tools to fight terrorists
that they already had to fight drug cartels and organized
crime. (Applause.) Since September the 11th, law enforcement
professionals have stopped terrorist activities in Columbus,
Ohio; San Diego, California; Portland, Oregon; Seattle,
Washington; Buffalo, New York and other places, including
New Jersey, where we apprehended an arms dealer who was
allegedly trying to sell shoulder-fired missiles to terrorists.
(Applause.)
My opponent voted for the Patriot Act, but now he wants
to weaken it. There are plenty of safeguards in this law,
making sure that civil liberties are protected and searches
are authorized by court order. By seeking to dilute the
Patriot Act, my opponent is taking the eye off the ball.
The danger to America is not the Patriot Act, or the good
people who use it; the danger to America is the terrorists.
And we will not let up in this fight. (Applause.)
To protect America, our country needs the best possible
intelligence. Chairman Tom Kean and other members -- (applause)
-- and other members of the September the 11th Commission
made thoughtful and valuable recommendations on intelligence
reform. We are already implementing the vast majority of
those recommendations that can be enacted without a vote
of Congress. We're expanding and strengthening the capabilities
of the CIA. We've established the Terrorist Threat Integration
Center so we can bring together all the available intelligence
on terrorist threats to one place. But other changes require
new laws. Congress needs to create the position of the
National Intelligence Director and take other measure to
make our intelligence community more effective. These reforms
are necessary to stay ahead of the threats. I urge Congress
to act quickly, so I can sign them into law. (Applause.)
My opponent has taken a different approach, and it shows
in his record. Just one year after the first attack on
the World Trade Center in 1993, Senator Kerry proposed
a $6 billion cut in the nation's intelligence budget.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: But the majority of his colleagues ignored
his irresponsible proposal. In 1995, he tried to cut intelligence
funding again -- and this time he could not get a single
member of the United States Senate to support his bill.
(Applause.) And that's an important difference between
us. Senator Kerry has a record of trying to weaken American
intelligence. I am working every day to strengthen American
intelligence. (Applause.)
In a free and open society, it is impossible to protect
against every threat. So, second, we must pursue a comprehensive
strategy against terror. The best way to prevent attacks
is to stay on the offense against the enemy overseas. (Applause.)
We are waging a global campaign from the mountains of Central
Asia to the deserts of the Middle East, and from the Horn
of Africa to the Philippines. (Applause.) These efforts
are paying off. Since September the 11th, 2001, more than
three-quarters of al Qaeda's key members and associates
have been brought to justice. (Applause.) The rest of them
know we're coming after them. (Applause.)
After September the 11th, we set a new direction for American
policy and enforced a doctrine that is clear to all: If
you support or harbor terrorists, you're equally guilty
of terrorist murder. (Applause.) We've destroyed the terror
camps that train thousands of killers in Afghanistan. We
removed the Taliban from power. We have persuaded governments
in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia to recognize the enemy and
join the fight. We ended the regime of Saddam Hussein,
which sponsored terror. (Applause.) Iraq's new government
under Prime Minister Allawi is hunting down terrorists
in Iraq.
We sent a message to Libya, which has now given up weapons
of mass destruction programs and handed nuclear materials
and equipment over to the United States. (Applause.) We
have acted, through diplomacy and force, to shrink the
area where the terrorists can operate freely, and that
strategy has the terrorists on the run. (Applause.)
My opponent has a fundamental misunderstanding on the
war on terror. A reporter recently asked Senator Kerry
how September the 11th changed him. He replied, "It
didn't change me much at all."
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: His unchanged world view is obvious from
the policies he still advocates. He has said this war is "primarily
an intelligence and law enforcement operation." He
has declared, we should not respond to threats until they
are -- quote -- "imminent." He has complained
that my administration -- quote -- "relies unwisely
on the threat of military preemption against terrorist
organizations." Let me repeat that. He says that preemptive
action is "unwise," not only against regimes,
but even against terrorist organizations.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: Senator Kerry's approach would permit a
response only after America is hit.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: This kind of September the 10th attitude
is no way to protect our country. (Applause.) The war on
terror is a real war, with deadly enemies, not simply a
police operation. In an era of weapons of mass destruction,
waiting for threats to arrive at our doorsteps is to invite
disaster. Tyrants and terrorists will not give us polite
notice before they attack our country. As long as I'm the
Commander-in-Chief, I will confront dangers abroad so we
do not have to face them here at home. (Applause.)
The case of one terrorist shows what is at stake. The
terrorist leader we face in Iraq today, the one responsible
for beheading American hostages, the one responsible for
many of the car bombings and attacks against Iraq is a
man named Zarqawi. Before September the 11th, Zarqawi ran
a camp in Afghanistan that trained terrorists in the use
of explosives and poisons, until coalition forces destroyed
that camp. (Applause.) He fled to Saddam Hussein's Iraq,
where he received medical care and set up operations with
some 2,000 terrorist associates. He operated in Baghdad
and worked with associates in northern Iraq. He ran camps
to train terrorists, and conducted chemical and biological
experiments, until coalition forces arrived and ended those
operations. (Applause.) With nowhere to operate openly,
Zarqawi has gone underground and is making a stand in Iraq.
Here, the difference between my opponent and me is very
clear. Senator Kerry believes that fighting Zarqawi and
other terrorists in Iraq is a "diversion" from
the war on terror. I believe that fighting and defeating
these killers in Iraq is a central commitment in the war
on terror. (Applause.)
If Zarqawi and his associates were not busy fighting American
forces in Iraq, does Senator Kerry think they would be
leading productive and peaceful lives? (Laughter.) Clearly,
these killers would be plotting and acting to murder innocent
civilians in free nations, including our own. By facing
these terrorists far away, our military is making the United
States of America more secure. (Applause.)
Third, to win the war on terror, America must work with
allies and lead the world with clarity. And that is exactly
what we are doing. The flags of 64 nations fly at U.S.
Central Command Headquarters in Tampa, Florida, representing
coalition countries that are working openly with us in
the war on terror. (Applause.) Dozens more are helping
quietly in important ways. Today, all 26 NATO nations have
personnel either in Iraq, Afghanistan, or both. America's
allies are standing with us in the war on terror, and we
are grateful. (Applause.)
My opponent promises that he would do better with our
allies. Yet, he's decided that the way to build alliances
is to insult our friends. As a candidate for President,
Senator Kerry has managed to offend or alienate almost
every one of America's fighting allies in the war on terror.
He has called the countries serving alongside us in Iraq
-- quote -- "a trumped-up ... coalition of the bribed,
the coerced, the bought, and the extorted."
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: He has dismissed the sacrifice of 14 nations
that have lost forces in Iraq, calling those nations "window
dressing." In our debate a few weeks ago, he declared, "when
we went in [to Iraq], there were three countries -- Great
Britain, Australia, and the United States." He left
out Poland, one of the first countries to see combat on
the first days of hostilities in Iraq. He never shows respect
for some of the 30 nations that are serving courageously
in Iraq today. (Applause.)
Senator Kerry even has disregarded the contributions of
Iraqis who are fighting for their freedom. When he speaks
of coalition casualties in Iraq, he doesn't count the hundreds
of Iraqis who have given their lives fighting the terrorists
and the insurgents. When Iraq's Prime Minister came to
Washington to address Congress last month, Senator Kerry
did not show up. Instead, he called a press conference
and questioned the Prime Minister's credibility. The Prime
Minister of Iraq is a brave man, who survived the assassins
of Saddam -- (applause.) The Prime Minister of Iraq deserves
the respect of the world, not the scorn of a politician.
(Applause.)
As part of his foreign policy, Senator Kerry has talked
about applying a "global test."
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: As far as I can tell, it comes down to
this: Before we act to defend ourselves, he thinks we need
permission from foreign capitals.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: Yet, even the Gulf War coalition in 1991
did not pass Senator Kerry's global test. Even with the
United Nations' approval, he voted against removing Saddam
Hussein from Kuwait.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: If that vast, U.N.-supported operation
did not pass his test, nothing ever could. (Applause.)
Senator Kerry's global test is nothing more than an excuse
to constrain the actions of our own country in a dangerous
world. (Applause.)
I believe in strong alliances. I believe in respecting
other countries and working with them and seeking their
advice. But I will never submit our national security decisions
to a veto of a foreign government. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: USA! USA! USA!
THE PRESIDENT: Fourth -- fourth, we will win the war on
terror and make America safer by advancing the cause of
freedom and democracy. Free societies are hopeful societies,
which do not nurture bitterness, or the ideologies of terror
and murder. Free governments in the broader Middle East
will fight the terrorists, instead of harboring them. And
this is why a free Iraq and a free Afghanistan are vital
to peace in that region, and vital to the security interests
of our country.
After decades of tyranny in the broader Middle East, progress
toward freedom will not come easily. Yet, that progress
is coming faster than many would have said possible. (Applause.)
Across a troubled region, we are seeing a movement toward
elections, greater rights for women, and open discussion
of peaceful reform. The election in Afghanistan less than
two weeks ago was a landmark event in the history of liberty.
(Applause.) That election was a tremendous defeat for the
terrorists. (Applause.)
My opponent has complained that we are trying to -- quote
-- "impose" democracy on people in that region.
Is that what he sees in Afghanistan, unwilling people have
democracy forced upon them? We removed the Taliban by force,
but democracy is rising in that country because the Afghan
people, like everywhere, want to live in freedom. (Applause.)
No one forced them to register by the millions, or stand
in long lines at polling places. On the day of that historic
election, an Afghan widow brought all four of her daughters
to vote alongside her. (Applause.) She said this -- she
said, "When you see women here lined up to vote, this
is something profound ... I never dreamed ... this day
would come." But that woman's dream finally arrived,
as it will one day across the greater Middle East. (Applause.)
Thank you.
The dream of freedom is moving forward in Iraq. The terrorists
know it, and they hate it, and they fight it. And we can
expect more violence as Iraq moves toward free elections.
Yet, every day in Iraq, our coalition is defeating the
enemy's strategic objectives. The enemy seeks to disrupt
the march toward democracy. But an Iraqi independent electoral
commission is up and running, political parties are planning
campaigns, voter registration will begin next month --
and free and fair Iraqi elections will be held on schedule
this coming January. (Applause.)
The enemy seeks to establish sanctuaries in Iraq from
which to commit acts of terror. But Iraqi and coalition
forces are on the offensive in Fallujah and North Babil,
and have restored government control in Samarra, Tall Afar,
and Najaf. The enemy wants to make Iraqis afraid to join
security forces. But every week, more and more Iraqis answer
the call to arms. More than 100,000 soldiers, police and
border guards are already trained, equipped and bravely
serving their country. And well over 200,000 will be in
place by the end of 2005. (Applause.) The enemy seeks to
break the will of the Iraqi people. But as Prime Minister
Allawi told the Congress, Iraqis are hopeful, optimistic
and determined to prevail in their struggle for liberty.
(Applause.)
After the enemy has failed in so many goals, what can
these killers do now? They can fill up our TV screens with
horrible images of suicide bombings and beheadings. These
scenes are chaotic and horrific, but they're not a complete
picture of what's happening in Iraq. A recent poll found
that more than 75 percent of Iraqis want to vote, and they
have confidence in the electoral progress. And more than
75 percent are hopeful about the future of their country.
The violent acts of a few will not divert Iraqis and our
coalition from the mission we have accepted. Iraq will
be free, Iraqis will be secure and the terrorists will
fail. (Applause.)
My opponent has a different outlook. While America does
the hard work of fighting terror and spreading freedom,
he has chosen the easy path of protest and defeatism. He
refuses to acknowledge progress, or praise the growing
democratic spirit in Iraq. He has not made democracy a
priority of his foreign policy. But what is his strategy,
his vision, his answer? Is he content to watch and wait,
as anger and resentment grow for more decades in the Middle
East, feeding more terrorism until radicals without conscience
gain the weapons to kill without limit? Giving up the fight
might seem easier in the short run, but we learned on September
the 11th that if violence and fanaticism are not opposed
at their source, they will find us where we live. America
is safer today because Afghanistan and Iraq are fighting
terrorists instead of harboring them. (Applause.) And I
believe future generations of Americans will be spared
violence and fear as democracy and hope and governments
that oppose terror multiply across the Middle East. (Applause.)
Victory in the war on terror requires victory in Iraq.
(Applause.) If a terror regime were allowed to re-emerge
in Iraq, the terrorists would find a home, a source of
funding and vital support. They would correctly conclude
that free nations do not have the will to defend themselves.
When Iraq becomes a free society at the heart of the Middle
East, an ally in the war on terror, and a model for hopeful
reform in a region that needs hopeful reform, the terrorists
will suffer a crushing defeat and every free nation will
be more secure. (Applause.)
Unfortunately, Senator Kerry does not share our commitment
to victory in Iraq. For three years -- depending on the
headlines, the poll numbers and political calculation --
he has taken almost every conceivable position on Iraq.
AUDIENCE: Flip-flop! Flip-flop! Flip Flop!
THE PRESIDENT: First, he said Saddam Hussein was a threat,
and he voted for the war. Then he voted against funds for
bullets and body armor for the troops he had voted to send
into battle.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: He declared himself an anti-war candidate.
Months later he said that knowing everything we know now,
he would have still voted for the war. Then he said the
war was a "mistake," an "error," or "diversion." Having
gone back and forth so many times, the Senator from Massachusetts
has now flip-flopped his way to a dangerous position. My
opponent -- my opponent finally has settled on a strategy,
a strategy of retreat.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: He has talked about artificial timetables
to pull our troops out of Iraq. He has sent the signal
that America's overriding goal in Iraq would be to leave,
even if the job is not done.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: And that approach would lead to a major
defeat in the war on terror. So long as I'm the Commander-in-Chief,
America will never retreat in the face of the terrorists.
(Applause.) Thank you.
We will -- we will keep our word to the Iraqi people.
We'll make sure Iraqi forces can defend their country.
And then American troops will return home, with the honor
they have earned. (Applause.)
On each of the four commitments needed to prevail in the
war on terror, there is a clear choice before the American
people. My opponent wants to weaken the Patriot Act, and
has a history of trying to undermine our intelligence services.
I will take every necessary measure to protect the homeland.
(Applause.) The Senator wants to wage the war on terror
on the defensive. I will take the fight to the enemy. (Applause.)
The Senator insults our friends in the world and wants
to please a few critics. I'm working with our friends for
the sake of freedom and security. (Applause.) The Senator
is skeptical and pessimistic about democracy in Iraq, and
critical of our efforts in the broader Middle East. I know
that the advance of freedom is the path to security and
peace. (Applause.)
In all these areas, my opponent's views would make America
less secure and the world more dangerous. And none of these
positions should come as a surprise. Over a 20-year career
in the United States Senate, Senator Kerry has been consistently
wrong on the major national security issues facing our
country. The Senator who voted against the $87 billion
for our troops in Afghanistan and Iraq is the same Senator
who has voted against vital weapons systems during his
entire career. He tried to cancel the Patriot missile,
which shot down scud missiles in Operation Desert Storm.
He opposed the B-1 bomber, which was critical to victory
in the Afghan campaign. He opposed the B-2 stealth bomber,
which delivered devastating air strikes on Taliban positions.
He opposed the modernized F-14D, which we used against
terrorists in Tora Bora. He opposed the Apache helicopter,
which destroyed enemy tanks and anti-aircraft missile launchers
in Iraq.
The Senator who is skeptical of democracy in Iraq also
spoke with sympathy for a communist dictator in Nicaragua
in the 1980s, and criticized the democracy movement as "terrorism." His
misguided policies would have impeded the spread of freedom
in Central America. The Senator who claims the world is
more dangerous since America started fighting the war on
terror is the same Senator who said that Ronald Reagan's
policies of peace through strength actually made America
less safe.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: The same Senator who said the Reagan presidency
was eight years of "moral darkness" --
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: In this campaign, Senator Kerry can run
from his record, but he cannot hide. (Applause.) Thank
you.
The Senator's long record shows a clear pattern on national
security. He has consistently opposed a stronger military.
He has consistently looked for excuses to constrain American
power. He has consistently shown poor judgment on the great
issues of war and peace. When one senator among a hundred
holds a policy of weakness, it doesn't make a lot of difference.
But the presidency is an office of great responsibility
and consequence. (Applause.)
I have a record in office, as well. And all Americans
have seen that record. September the 4th, 2001, I stood
in the ruins of the Twin Towers. It's a day I will never
forget. Bernie might remember the workers in hard hats
that were yelling at me and yelling at us, "Whatever
it takes." A man grabbed me by the arm, just coming
out of the rubble and he said, "Do not let me down." I
have a responsibility that goes on. I wake up every morning
thinking about how to make our country more secure. I acted
again and again to protect the American people. I will
never relent in defending our country, whatever it takes.
(Applause.)
In a new term --
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more
years!
THE PRESIDENT: In a new term as your President, we will
finish the work we have started. We will stand up for terror
-- we will stand up for freedom. And on November the 2nd,
my fellow Americans, I ask that you stand with me. (Applause.)
God bless. Thank you all. (Applause.)
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